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Der aus Malta stammende Jesuit Tony Mifsud, Professor für Moraltheologie an der Universität Alberto Hurtado (Santiago de Chile), legte 1984 erstmals ein vierbändiges Werk unter dem Titel „Moral de Discernimiento“ vor. Fast zwei Jahrzehnte lang überarbeitet er dieses umfangreiche Konzept und publizierte es in aktualisierten Neuauflagen. Die „Moral de Discernimiento“ gilt als der erste Versuch, die Ideen der Theologie der Befreiung in eine Gesamtsystematik der Moraltheologie zu integrieren.
This collection of three chapters responds to today’s energy challenges. It explores innovative policy aimed to equip the energy poor with access to improved cooking energy and electricity, looking both at the demand and supply side of modern energy technologies. Concretely, it discusses mechanisms to increase uptake of off-grid solar electricity in rural Rwanda based on experimental demand measurements (Chapter 1), it studies how to diffuse improved cooking technologies in rural Senegal via supply-side mechanisms (Chapter 2), and it identifies the need to target cooking technologies in consideration of the broader household context in rural Senegal and beyond (Chapter 3).
Arme sterben früher
(2016)
Im Rahmen einer Untersuchung des Bergarbeiterverhältnisse im 19. Jh. wurde festgestellt, dass der Invaliditätseintritt in immer jüngeren Jahren erfolgte. Auch die Sterblichkeit stieg mit den Jahren. Dies führte zu der Überlegung, ob nicht nur die Arbeitsbedingungen Ursache der Frühinvalidität und höheren Morbidität sind, sondern allein die Tatsache, zu einer bestimmten Bevölkerungsschicht zu gehören. Da dies ex post für die fragliche Zeit schwer nachzuvollziehen war, wurde untersucht, ob auch in heutiger Zeit Krankheit und Morbidität von der gesellschaftlichen Stellung abhängig sein könnte.
In order to end poverty by 2030, the declared goal of the United Nations, a better understanding is needed which policies help poor households to escape poverty and how to end its inter-generational transmission.
Since the Millennium Declaration in September 2000, and the adoption of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the delivery of basic social services, such as education, health, water supply and sanitation, has become the central focus of international development assistance.
However, the provision of basic social services is not necessarily sufficient to lead to an accumulation of human and productive capital, which would allow households to escape poverty and interrupt its inter-generational transmission.
To understand why people are poor, we need to understand what productive decisions poor households take, and to identify what constraints households face in their attempt to accumulate human, as well as, productive capital. A better understanding of such constraints could guide policies that have a long-term impact on poverty reduction and on development.
A number of factor could explain why poor households operate at unprofitable levels and why they are constrained in their investment decisions. Empirical evidence points to different explanations: cost of learning and access to information, insufficient education, risk, credit constraints, non-convex production technologies, and behavioral patterns that are inconsistent with standard neoclassical models. Currently, one of the major challenges in formulating policies that foster productive investments among the poor, seems to be to disentangle the effects of scale, credit constraints, and the lack of insurance mechanisms.
This thesis seeks to shed further light on the relative role of these three constraints. In the context of rural India, it analyzes what production and investment decisions households take and how important risk and credit constraints as well as scale effects are in these decisions. Finally, it evaluates potential policy tools that could support households in overcoming these constraints.
Today, 33% of the world's poor live in India, the vast majority of them (80.5%) in rural areas. The economic structure of rural India is still dominated by agricultural production, and consequently, this thesis concentrates on agricultural production decisions and employment in agriculture.
In particular, this thesis addresses three questions in three individual papers: First, are farm households constrained in their crop choices by agricultural production risk and to which extent can India's public works program support households in overcoming this constraint? Second, how profitable is cattle farming in rural India at different levels of investment and which barriers do households face in reaching optimal investment levels? And third, can risk in agricultural wages explain limited investment in girls' education in the presence of intra-household substitution in household chores?
The first paper focuses on crop choice of farm households. It reassesses the stylized fact that households have to trade-off between returns and risk in their crop choice in the context of Andhra Pradesh, a state in the south of India. It then explores the effect of India's flagship anti-poverty program, the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS) on households' crop choice using a representative panel data set. The NREGS guarantees each household living in rural India up to a hundred days of employment per year, at state minimum wages.
The paper shows theoretically, and empirically, that the introduction of the NREGS reduces households' uncertainty about future income streams because it provides reliable employment opportunities in rural areas independently of weather shocks and crop failure. With access to the NREGS, households can compensate income losses emanating from shocks to agricultural production. Households with access to the NREGS can therefore shift their production towards riskier but also more profitable crops. These shifts in agricultural production have the potential to considerably raise the incomes of smallholder farmers.
The paper concludes that employment guarantees can, similarly to crop insurance, help households in managing agricultural productions risks. It also argues that accounting for the effects of the NREGS on crop choice and profits from agricultural production affects the cost-benefit analysis of such a program considerably.
The second paper concentrates on the profitability of farming cattle in Andhra Pradesh.
The paper also uses a representative panel dataset, and examines average and marginal returns to cattle at different levels of cattle investment. It finds average returns in the order of -8% at the mean of cattle value. These returns vary across the cattle value distribution between negative 53% (in the lowest quintile) and positive 2% (in the highest). While marginal returns are positive on average, they also vary considerably with cattle value and breed. The paper shows that average and marginal returns are considerably higher for modern variety cows, i.e. European breeds and their crossbreeds, than for traditional varieties of cows or for buffaloes. It also shows that cattle farming becomes most profitable at minimum herd sizes of five animals, due to decreasing average labor costs with increasing herd sizes.
The results of this paper suggest that cattle farming is associated with sizable non-convexities in the production technology and that substantial economies of scale, as well as high upfront expenses of acquiring and feeding high-productivity animals, might trap poorer households in low-productivity asset levels. The fact that wealthier households and households with lower costs to access veterinary services are more likely to overcome these barriers, supports this idea.
The second paper concludes that cattle farming might well generate positive returns for households in rural India, but that most households seem to operate at unprofitable levels. This could also explain the apparent paradox between widespread support of cattle farming through agricultural policy interventions and negative returns to cattle, as stressed in recent works. It argues that policy interventions that target productive assets will only be beneficial if transfers are high enough to allow households to overcome these entry barriers.
The third paper concentrates on the effect of risk on the productive decisions of households, and analyzes the effect of wage risk in agricultural employment on women's labor supply and time allocated to home production. It seeks to understand the extent to which risk raises labor supply of women to levels that can become harmful for other members of the household. The hypothesis is that in the presence of intra-household substitution effects -- for instance in the performance of household chores -- increased female labor supply might have negative effects on the time allocation of girls. If women have less time available for home production and childcare, and such activities can only be foregone at high cost, they might be forced to take older girls out of school or to cut down on the time these girls study at home in order for them to fill in for these tasks.
The paper uses cross-sectional data on the time allocation of different household members and predicts wage risk at the village level as a function of the historical rainfall distribution and a village's share of land that is under irrigation. The results show that wage risk affects the time allocation of women, increasing their labor supply and reducing the time they allocate to home production. Wage risk also increases the time girls spend on household chores and reduces their time in school. Because the observed effect of wage risk on girls' time allocated to household chores corresponds very closely to the effect observed for women, it seems plausible to attribute it to intra-household substitution effects. The observed effect of risk on girls' school time, however, is greater than the observed effect of risk on the home-production time of girls. This can be due to two reasons: First, in the presence of intra-household substitution effects, shocks in wages will not only increase female labor supply but also girls' time on household chores. And the model predicts that risk-averse households invest less in education when future school time becomes uncertain, because future school time affects the returns to current schooling. Second, if school attendance is indivisible, then girls might be forced to drop out of school temporarily or even permanently.
The paper then simulates the effect of the NREGS on the time-allocation decisions of working women and school-age girls. The results suggest that the NREGS could increase the time working women spend on household duties, because it reduces uncertainty regarding future earnings, and alleviates the need to accumulate savings. Thereby, the NREGS would reduce the pressure on girls to perform household tasks and allow them to increase the time they spend in school or studying by 6 minutes daily.
Wit these findings, this thesis contributes to a better understanding of the choices poor households in rural India face in their day-to-day decision making, and offers insights into what policies could support households in escaping poverty, and interrupt its inter-generational transmission.
This thesis analyses the social impact of Payung Keluarga, an obligatory enhanced credit life microinsurance product launched by Allianz in Indonesia in 2006. Payung Keluarga automatically insures micro-borrowers who take out microcredits from microfinance institutions. In case of death, the outstanding credit balance is canceled and the beneficiary receives twice the original loan as additional payout. Payung Keluarga was conceived to ameliorate the assumed post-mortem financial crisis of low-asset families. Through qualitative-explorative field research from 2006 until 2008 I investigated if this developmental intention was realized. It is the first impact analysis on microinsurance in Indonesia. In the research process, I took the position of an observing participant. As operational project leader for Allianz in Indonesia I was virtually doing research on my own work. The resulting challenge to research neutrality is primarily mitigated by the sobering to discerning social impact which was eventually revealed. The majority of insured were married female Muslim petty traders in urban and semi-urban areas around Jakarta. Socio-economically these women stand at the upper end of the low-asset stratum. Their husbands were generally the main bread-winners of the family, and it was mostly them who received the insurance payouts. It could therefore be said that Payung Keluarga benefited the main breadwinner instead of insuring him. The study found that norms of a moral economy are still exerting significant clout on the insured. The moral economy aims at providing “subsistence insurance” for all community members through an intricate collective system of balanced exchanges. The corresponding “premium” is a denouncement of self-interested material asset accumulation. Next to structural reasons, it was this moral restriction that saw the businesses of the women stagnate at low and socially inconspicuous levels. Payung Keluarga did not help to overcome the assumed post-mortem financial crisis. In reality, such crisis did not exist since community and family support among low-asset Muslim Indonesians is normally strong enough to largely provide for the bereft family. This support is driven by the perception of death as a collective risk in the light of the moral economy and hinged on principles of balanced reciprocity. For cultural and religious reasons, the beneficiaries used most of the insurance payouts for funeral ceremonies and repayment of informal debt. With the advent of Payung Keluarga familial post-mortem assistance has been reduced. Funeral costs also seem to have been inflated by the product. It has thereby promoted a long-term societal shift from equality-seeking balanced reciprocity towards status-seeking and socially diversifying general reciprocity. In effect, Payung Keluarga has attacked cooperative social cohesion head-on where it is still strongest in a rapidly modernizing Indonesian society. This discerning and unintended impact of Payung Keluarga is hardly offset by a positive increase in financial literacy among the insured. Furthermore, the effect on “peace of mind” on the insured is ambivalent: while most insured stated to feel safer, some declared to feel less secure with their obligatory coverage for fear of interference with divine predetermination. Its overall developmental impact can be literally described as “micro”. Instead of protecting the status-quo of the family, Payung Keluarga has assumed the role of an actor of social change. Not only because it has changed the funeral pattern of the beneficiaries, but also because it promotes a far-reaching conceptual paradigm shift from balanced reciprocity, which forms a core pillar of the insured’s social structure, towards general reciprocity. The thesis hypothesizes that with sufficient insurance coverage provided, the insured will increasingly opt out of the coercively egalitarian “subsistence insurance” system. Such opt out will allow the insured to pursue a more aggressive economic asset accumulation strategy, particularly in combination with micro-credit. For the individual, this can be seen as a “liberating fortune” that would induce more women to grow their businesses to significant sizes. In parallel, it would deal a blow to cooperative social cohesion. I propose to call this the “double fortune / double blow” dilemma of microfinance. Although this thesis is exemplary, some of its findings can be generalized: The impact of microinsurance is highly dependent on cultural, religious and socio-demographic context. Any microinsurance intervention concerned with social impact should be preceded by a thick contextualization going beyond the usual demand assessments. In turn, microinsurance likewise impacts context as an actor of ambivalent social change. The complex influence of context and the role of microinsurance as an actor of social change have so far been hardly discussed in the development discourse.